SciELO - Scientific Electronic Library Online

 
 número85Concesionaria de bicicletas, Rosario, Argentina.: Gerardo Caballero, Maite Fernández, 2010Mapocho pedaleable, Santiago, Chile: Tomás Echiburú, Osvaldo Larrain, 2013 índice de autoresíndice de materiabúsqueda de artículos
Home Pagelista alfabética de revistas  

Servicios Personalizados

Revista

Articulo

Indicadores

Links relacionados

Compartir


ARQ (Santiago)

versión On-line ISSN 0717-6996

ARQ (Santiago)  no.85 Santiago dic. 2013

http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0717-69962013000300007 

READINGS

From the Inca Trail to Gran Avenida

  

Rosanna Forray*(1), Cristhian Figueroa**(2), Rocío Hidalgo*(3)

*Professor, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile.
** Laboratorio de Ciudad y Movilidad FADEU, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile.


Abstract

Trails and footprints are entities that usually overlap and confuse. Old paths become agricultural roads and trade routes that evolve into structural elements of the urban grid and major supports for public life in the city.

Keywords: Urbanism - Chile, history - Chile, public space, public transport, Llano Subercaseaux, La Cisterna.


 

Throughout history, streets and transportation have been structural elements in the transformation of cities and the urban experience. In fact, among the transformations with the most impact on our daily lives in the last years are the implementations of networks of urban highways and that of the Transantiago(1). Originally, this public transportation plan (unprecedented in Santiago) opened the possibility of redesigning the street and avenue landscape as prime public spaces, at a metropolitan scale and available for the poorest areas of the city where the majority of the public transportation users live. Here it is interesting to point out the production of the space resulting from the relationship between the street and public transportation and the role it plays in the production of public life and urban development. This is not exclusive to Transantiago, it concerns all bus transportation systems in general and even question this concept of the urban "corridor".

To look back at history to think in the future is the goal of this article, part of the investigation over the integrated design of the transportation and the public space that occupies us. Starting from the formation process of the Gran Avenida(2) throughout Santiago history, we propose to observe how it demonstrates, over time, the double condition of a space of movement and a social space, within the whole street, arriving at its current state. How, originally a road, structures itself around the growth of the city limits to slowly take on the form of a principal avenue in the south of Santiago. To explore what these relationships that subsist from the past of our city and its large avenues have to say, and how it can illuminate, from another perspective, the design of a new generation of the main axes of the public transport in Santiago is the invitation that this article proposes.

Not all streets were always streets. In fact, Gran Avenida was not a street in its beginnings. It formed par of the Inca Trail that crossed the valley in pre-Columbian times: an access road from the south through La Canada(3) to the founding city, in the Colony; a rural road that, passing through vineyards, linked the city with the villages of La Cisterna and San Bernardo, we could say that Gran Avenida in its origin looked more like a road. A road, like the carrieras or chaussées or the old medieval cities that knit the network of distant towns, or that led to the port from the cities and prefaced the commercial or defensive routes of the surrounding territory. Paths around which the city grew outward until they were incorporated as the new axes of these new areas, being transformed slowly in a public axis of major importance. In this vein, over the centuries of Santiago's existence, this road went from being the Inca Trail to Gran Avenida.

The transition from "road" to "street" is proof of the polarity touched on by Joseph Rykwert between these terms and its associated concepts. Where street (from the Latin sternere) refers to a built surface of public use demarcated in its surroundings, not necessarily leading to other streets. Road, on the other hand, suggests the movement from and towards a destination, the passage from one place to another (Rykwert, 1982). In a similar fashion, in Spanish, the word calle (from the Latin callus), "way between buildings or plots, urban exterior of the buildings" according to the Royal Spanish Dictionary, it differs from the route or camino. Between both terms the variations and combinations are multiplied, some describing the essential duality suggested by the two concepts (avenue, boulevard, high street, main street), others, denoting the increasing mono-functionality associated with the rising velocities (highway, artery, corridor). This distinction is found at the center of the current discussion on street design, in the tension between the flow space and the "place" space (Carmona et al., 2003).

What goes by the name "corridor Gran Avenida" today is one of the most important routes of Santiago. It begins as a pair of streets, San Diego and Nataniel Cox in the historical center of the city, and from the Zanjón de la Aguada(4) it extends along Gran Avenida José Miguel Carrera. Having this name, it crosses the once aristocratic neighborhoods from the early 20th century and provides access to multiple hospitals and educational centers occupying its borders. Towards the south it branches off. To the west, it turns off to join with the town of San Bernardo, where it changes its name to Avenida Portales; it crosses San Bernardo and its agricultural peripheries until it joins the Ruta Panamericana. To the East, it continues its original path along Avenida Los Morros to enter into densely populated sectors of social housing, until it leaves Santiago converted into a local road that goes to the small towns of the southern valley, crossing the Maipo River.


San Diego Street in Colonial Santiago

There is no certainty regarding the pre-Columbian past of the current Gran Avenida. Apparently, it formed part of a complex network that communicated the Incan city of the Mapocho River with the hills and farming and mining towns of the central-southern valleys of Chile and the Andes mountains (Stehberg and Sotomayor, 2012; Cornejo et al., 2006). According to Stehberg, one of the bridges built by the Incas to cross the Maipo River coincides with the current crossing of Los Morros road (Stehberg, 2001). With the foundation of Santiago in 1541 over the Incan city, this path was formalized as a military route leading to the south of Chile. "Traced over the central path, known for the Incan invasions" (Zanartu, 1975), the Camino Real of the south (fig. 1) communicated the capital of the Capitanía General de Chile with the "upper" provinces, a denomination that the current territories of the center and south of the country received (Thayer Ojeda, 1904).

Fig. 1. The Camino Real from the south in the colony.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

The first stretch of the road received its popular name of "San Diego" for the image of San Diego de Sevilla installed in La Canada in 1554 by the Order of San Francisco, which would later be received in the church of San Diego, built in the 17th century in the south-east corner of the intersection of Camino Real South with La Canada (Thayer Ojeda, 1904). So important was this point that La Canada changed its name to "Canada de San Francisco" from San Diego to the East, and "Canada de San Lázaro" westward (Schkolnik, 1955).

During colonial times, San Diego St. was one of the main trade routes of the city. Numerous mules laden with goods from the provinces gathered in the road as they approached Santiago. It served as an exit for cattle from the estates that the Curia owned in the south of the city (Vicuna Mackenna, 1902). Due to the strong commercial activity, a market was installed where to current Almagro Park now sits that served as the first or last break before entering or leaving the city (Zanartu, 1975). However, despite intense commercial activity, its borders were not completely built. Only at La Canada, gateway to the city, the road had buildings. The rest was a path that entered the sterile and stony Maipo flatlands and then directed towards the bridge that crossed the river of the same name, where today is the Avenue Los Morros (Vicuna Mackenna, 1868).


The San Bernardo Road in The Republican Santiago

Around 1821, after the independence of Chile, by government order, the sterile Maipo Plain (also called Lepe) was subdivided into lots known as "hijuelas" 10 blocks per side, which in turn were segmented into four smaller lots of five blocks per side. Each batch was assigned water rights to the San Carlos canal that opened in 1828 to provide water from the mighty Mapocho and Maipo Rivers to all properties located between the two (Echaiz , 1975). Thus, the inhospitable Maipo Plain became a productive orchard that would provide the city of Santiago with agricultural and recreational spaces (AA.VV., 1859). By order of the Senate, in the Plain subdivision, 36 reserved blocks were reserved (to which later a hundred more would be added) for the founfoundation of a new town called "San Bernardo" in honor of the Supreme Director Bernardo O'Higgins. Initially sparsely inhabited, the town increased in population as the San Carlos canal flow was regularized, becoming home to respected foreigners and patriots, including Bernardo O'Higgins (Echaiz, 1975).

With the founding of San Bernardo in 1830, it proceeded to the fork in the road from San Diego to connect this new village to the west (fig. 2). This connection led to the emergence of the farming town of La Cisterna and the forest plantations of Lo Espejo known as El Bosque. This process set the current path of Gran Avenida and some of its characteristic features, such as the inner cities of San Bernardo and La Cisterna, and the arborization of the avenue in this section corresponding to the remains of the Lo Espejo Forest. At the same time, these operations changed the name of the road to San Diego nearest the Alameda stretch, while the southern section was renamed Camino San Bernardo or La Polvareda.

Fig. 2. The road to San Bernardo in the Republican era.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego


San Diego Street, Central Axis of the Savage Periphery

The fertility of the plain lands and the connectivity to the South provided by the road to San Bernardo, triggered rapid growth in the southern outskirts of Santiago. As such, San Diego, the entranceway to the traditional city began to suffer sanitation problems due to the high traffic and commerce of animals. In 1843, the Municipality of Santiago acquired the pastures of San José, also known as El Conventillo, that was bordered to the west by San Diego St., to the south by the Zanjón de la Aguada, to the east by Santa Rosa and to the north with Avenida de Los Monos, the current Avenida Matta. To the southern extreme of this property the Municipal Slaughter house was built in 1847 with the objective of controlling unhealthy cattle activity (Aguirre and Castillo, 2002).

The environmental degradation was accompanied by the appearance of poor developments surrounding the slaughterhouse on the banks of the Zanjón de la Aguada, which received its discharges. Thus, in 1862, two large populations formed, El Conventillo and La Pampilla. The first occupied the north of the farm of the same name, and the second, the land adjacent to Campus Martius, the current O'Higgins Park. Both were composed of very small farms with poor, unhealthy homes that lacked water and sewage. These shacks changed the land use pattern in the periphery. Agriculture was no longer profitable compared to the lease or sale of land for living space. In fact, with the advancement of the 19th century, large farms ceased cultivation and waited for new towns (De Ramón, 1985). San Diego St. extended between El Coventillo and La Pampilla; soon it became the south gate of Santiago and the frontier separating the poor ones from the rest of the city. In this period, the street was transformed into a space that depended on charity from the more affluent. It was an integral part of what would later become derisively called the "Death Pasture".

In the 1870s, under the Administration of intendant Benjamín Vicuna Mackenna, Santiago began a process of great change. In his opinion, Santiago was a cultured city with a barbarian graft. His "Santiago Transformation Plan" sought to place the "diverse people groups in the conditions of the educated and Christian societies [...] not only to beautify Santiago, but also to save it" (Vicuna Mackenna, 1872). The layout of the "Camino de Cintura" proposed by the plan, consisted of a large loop whose interior would contain the city "itself, subject to the charges and benefits of the municipality" (Vicuna Mackenna, 1872). The demonization and dehumanization of poverty implicit in this project fragmented the city. San Diego St. was divided in two by the beltway: the north, cultured and civilized, and the wild south (fig. 3). Physical differentiation of this street marked a social distance. After Vicuna Mackenna the poor would no longer share public spaces and parties with the prosperous society (Romero, 1984).

Fig. 3. San Diego and suburban growth.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

Subsequently, the Vicuna Mackenna administration made various government efforts to improve the living conditions of the periphery. By the late 19th century the shantytowns of El Coventillo and La Pampilla had almost disappeared and been urbanized (De Ramon, 1985). However, at the banks of the Zanjón de la Aguada poverty had increased. Its rougher face was visible when the stream overflowed and left dozens of casualties and fatalities. Furthermore, the distance of the cultured society generated a widespread fear of the periphery; some had stated that people inhabiting the slaughterhouse sector had a sinister reputation, which extended to the rural periphery (De Ramón, 1985). According to the press at the time, they were "naturalized" with the use of the knife and the blood. Its inhabitants were considered "dangerous drunk" and their access to the city was allowed only for a few streets, including San Diego was. The maps of the time show that the containing effect of the urban beltway was effective. Towards the end of the 19th century only Matadero and Italia neighborhoods were located outside its perimeter (De Ramon, 1985). However, the arrival of the railway in 1898 would change the ring stage to promote explosive urban growth.


The Train and the TRAM, Activity Motors

In the South-North direction from San Bernardo to Santiago, urbanization also made its way. In 1857 the first stage of the railway line South Alameda- San Bernardo and passenger station were opened (Marín, 1916), with a tangential path to the village of San Bernardo. A little further south the arsenal of the country's largest railroad was located, which during the second half of the 19th and part of the 20th part would be an active industrial center that would raise the value of the surrounding agricultural properties.

In 1898 the railway branch in the direction of San Diego opened; later, it was completed with others to form the Beltway Train between the Mapocho station and Pirque station, the last opposite the present Plaza Baquedano. Although the train was a new belt within the city, its purpose was radically different: to support urban and industrial development, occupy undervalued land and provide access to recently purchased and urbanized public lands (Pizzi et al., 2006). The branch to San Diego included a station of the same name that was to support Municipal Slaughterhouse cattle movement, thus improving its critical health conditions (Pizzi et al., 2009). In the late 19th century, the San Diego St. and its surroundings had a thriving industry of fats and tannery, using the slaughterhouse location and accessibility provided by the train (Martínez, 1896; Pizzi et al., 2009). This latter improvement and the sanitary improvements to the area generated an explosive urban development along the Camino de San Bernardo (Aguirre and Castillo, 2002), so in the 19th century it had heavy traffic. The wagons that travelled to popular social and recreational facilities, such as Los Guindos, now in the sector Lo Vial, caused havoc on the streets when mixing with the flow of goods coming from the south of the country (De Ramón, 1985).

The slaughterhouse and the surroundings areas gradually transformed into an intermodal center where converged horse-drawn and electrical trams, and later buses, providing accessibility to a new residential suburb. In 1901 the wagon traffic is complemented by the first horse-drawn tram line (cars on rails drawn by horses) that circulated on this road, running 3.5 km and joining the slaughterhouse with the Lo Vial sector. The next year, the line is extended to Lo Ovalle and in 1906 is acquired by the Ferrocarril Eléctrico Santiago-San Bernardo enterprise. In 1907 it is electrified and extended to La Cisterna. Finally, in 1908, it would arrive at San Bernardo, completing a trajectory of 17 km (Morrison, 2008).

The electric tramline and the two horse-drawn lines of the avenue (Alameda- Lo Ovalle and Alameda-La Cisterna) established a series of numbered checkpoints, known as the paraderos (stops) of Gran Avenida that persists even today in the memory of the people (fig. 4). They began in Zanjón de la Aguada (paradero 1) and end at the access to San Bernardo (paradero 41). They are an obligatory reference for those circulating in the street, with some being especially notable like the Stop 9 (Lo Vial), the Stop 12 (Departamental), the Stop 18 (Lo Ovalle) and the Stop 25 (La Cisterna).

Fig. 4. The railway and the Stops of the road to San Bernardo.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

At the turn of the century the Pluma y Lápiz magazine manifested that the tramway that transited on the road to San Bernardo was called to be an enterprise for the agricultural potential of El Llano, progressing before the future extensions to the south. To which was added that the line collapsed on holidays from the people's eagerness to breath "fresh air" and enjoy a walk through the Llano Subercaseaux park (AA.VV., 1903).


The Transition from Road to Avenue

A key strategic element in the origin of El Llano urbanization to the south of the Zanjón de la Aguada, was the purchase made in 1840 by Ramón Subercaseaux (member of one of the most powerful political families in the country) of a large ranch bordering the Camino a San Bernardo. Associated with this operation, he ceded a strip of land for public use for the neighborhood San Miguel, with a line of poplars on one side; this space received the name "El Llano Subercaseaux".

And so the first public space for the southern periphery of the city was created, as a new stage for public life of the inhabitants of the outskirts and a new entrance from and to Santiago. On this land, a park of the same name would be created, designed by the well-known landscape designer Óscar Prager (fig. 5). The sub-division of the vineyards and farms between family members accompanied this initiative, who besides settling there, they subdivided large lots for sale. And so a large suburban neighborhood was created for the upper classes in the southern periphery of Santiago. Towards 1900, the arrival of the tram that connected it to downtown Santiago was a key act to lend feasibility to this real estate initiative whose largest obstacle was to cross the city limits that constituted the Zanjón de la Aguada, with its contaminated waters, and the groups of poor families installed along its borders.

Fig. 5. El Llano Subercaseaux Park.
Source: (unknown).

The urbanization of El Llano Subercaseaux triggered the settling of a number of public and church facilities along the way, giving it an urban setting and gradually its facade. In 1892 and 1893 the first Catholic schools were set up, and in 1911 the Barros Luco Hospital opened. From 1910 onwards a number of public schools and colleges were founded, followed by public institutions for children, including the Chacra Las Mercedes school, later called Complejo Ciudad del Nino Presidente Juan Antonio Ríos. Gradually, large houses of one or two floors were built, and by mid-century the show lounges and movie theaters and theaters appeared. And so formed its condition as an avenue.

Thanks to the electric tram, this urbanization process also took shape at the south end. In 1908, at Stop 33 the Observatorio Astronómico Lo Espejo was built (Ristenpart, 1909). Just five years later, the Chilean Air Force bought the surrounding land and utilized the observatory installations and built the El Bosque air force base in 1936 (Grandón, 1952) that today covers the area of Gran Avenida between Stops 31 and 38; the observatory disappeared finally in the fifties (Quintana and Salinas, 2004).

This accelerated settling of the axis impacted the state of the street. From the decade of 1910 a project to widen and pave the road to San Bernardo took form (Errázuriz, 2010) that would take 15 years to materialize (fig. 6). In 1931, once work was finalized with its now profile of 30 m and two paved lanes, the road was officially named "Gran Avenida" (Marín, 2013). As stated by Figueroa (2013), this expansion (fig. 7a, 7b, 7c) is similar to a project by the urbanist Carlos Carvajal. Inspired by the Ciudad Lineal of Soria and Mata, this reformer proposed the construction of various linear cities for Santiago. Among them, in 1924 he proposed the "Gran Población Lineal Jardín de Santiago a San Bernardo" that would later be presented to the Sociedad de Naciones (Carvajal, 2012; Figueroa, 2009). The project suggested the reconstruction of the avenue according to the following criteria: "the transverse section of the road will have a total width of 30 meters distributed in two sidewalks of 3 meters each for pedestrians, two lanes of reinforced cement of 6 meters each for the circulation of vehicles and a central zone of twelve meters for the double line of electric trams with their respective access platforms" (Figueroa, 2013). In 1941 tree tramlines (two horse-drawn and one electric) and for bus lines circulated on this axis (Karstulovic, 1939); the horse drawn trams disappeared in the forties due two successive repaving programs (Morrison, 2008).

Fig. 6. The neighborhoods of the southern Santiago 1900-1950.
Source: drawing by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

Fig. 7a. Source: Pluma y Lápiz (1903, p. 13)

Fig. 7b. Source: Chilectra 1996, p. 11),

Fig. 7c. Source: archivo de autores.

Figs. 7a, b and c. Profiles of Gran Avenida at the Stop 5 a the beginning of the 20th century, in 1940, and today.

For the anniversary of the IV centennial of Santiago, the street was renamed "Gran Avenida Isabel La Católica". In 1951 a vault over the Zanjón de la Aguada was decreed to eliminate the geographical barrier to transit to downtown (Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Vías de Comunicación, 1951). In 1961 the street was re-named as "Gran Avenida José Miguel Carrera", its current name (Ministerio del Interior, 1961). Finally, between 1960 and 1970 the beltway train was dismantled (Pizzi et al., 2009).


The Entrance of the Car and the TRAM

Towards 1941 the tramways stopped circulating through Gran Avenida. The electric tram to San Bernardo was cut to La Cisterna, close to Stop 25 until it disappeared completely halfway through the decade (Morrison, 2008). From then on, the entrance of the automobile and the influence of modern urbanism would impose new velocities to the city and with it, new transformations in the street.

Entering into the planning era, in 1960 the "Plan Regulador Intercomunal de Santiago" (pris 1958-1960), under the direction of Juan Parrochia, defined ground use, densities, street hierarchies and methods of transportation for Santiago. According to the PRIS , the city suffered from limited northsouth connectivity due to large suburban avenues entering into the historical center through small colonial streets (Pavez, 2010). Gran Avenida was no exception: its capacity was greatly reduced upon crossing the Zanjón de la Aguada and entering San Diego St. To solve the problem, Parrochia proposed the Corredor Fundamental Norte-Sur (fig. 8) that consisted in a network of roads that would begin in the Ruta Panamericana, to the north of Santiago and would "capillarize" through the city by means of multiple minor roads, including Gran Avenida (MINVU et al., 1996). The Norte-Sur Avenue was created as the axis of this system (1966), whose purpose was to give continuity to the corridor, crossing the city center as a high capacity road. The Norte-Sur allowed the segregation of high-speed flow as the first urban highway of Santiago (Parrochia, 1978). This new road stripped the Gran Avenida from its historical role as connector to the south of the country. From then on the street would be an interior connection that would provide service to the extensive southern periphery of the city.

Fig. 8. The Avenida Norte-Sur.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

With the PRIS the Plan Regulador de Transporte Metropolitano was elaborated for Santiago, which proposed the construction of a network of 15 metropolitan train lines (Parrochia, 1978). In 1969 five lines were approved, three of an urban character and two that were express and suburban (Hidalgo, 2012). The line 2 would be the north-south access of the city, one of whose sections would run under Gran Avenida, collecting the ideas proposed by various plans developed between 1925 and 1940 that considered the street as the natural axis of the north-south displacements (Morales, 1988).

Line 2 began construction 1974 and was officially opened in 1978. The layout entered Grand Avenue from the west at the Zanjón de la Aguada, near the Franklin station, and ended in the town of Lo Ovalle, near the Lo Ovalle station. This last, remnant of the village Puente Lo Ovalle from the late 19th century was characterized by an intense trade increase with the arrival of the Metro. Flea markets, caracol shopping centers and modern towers transformed Lo Ovalle into a reference for the inhabitants of the southern part of the city. This role was reinforced by the construction of a modal interchange station in 1990 that by Metrobus service, communicated with the southern periphery Metro Station (Metro de Santiago, 2013). In 2004, the Metro was extended with two more stations to the south to La Cisterna, where a new station was built. This place today moves more than 150,000 passengers a day as the largest modal exchange point in Santiago (AA.VV., 2011). While the Ovalle lost relevance with the new station, more than thirty thousand people still pass through per day.


From La Cistern to the South, a Socio-spatial Duality

By 1960, the city began to densify in the south, with squatters taking land around the main axes. Supported by the Church and political parties with a heroic character, the occupations of public or private land were made by groups of families of homeless people. The precarious conditions of sanitation and inhabitability along with political pressure encouraged the creation of various social housing policies. Thus, in 1965 the government of Eduardo Frei Montalva launched "Operación Sitio", a progressive housing policy that gave people lots with utilities or a basic unit, connected to public water and sanitation (Hidalgo, 2004).

With this policy the physiognomy of the old Camino del Sur, today Avenida Los Morros, changed abruptly. The shantytowns of Santa Elena, Las Acacias and El Olivo, in the lapse of three years between 1967 and 1970 occupied more than 19 hectares around the avenue. The taking of land stopped abruptly in 1973 with the Military Government but the housing needs persisted with other kinds of occupation like the allegamiento(5) . Between 1985 and 2012 housing policies followed, focusing more than 25 thousand homes on the south of the avenue, increasingly more precarious. It thus created a huge island of poverty and despair, according to authors like Sugranyes and Morales (2012) who add that Avenue Los Morros represents today one of the rawest faces of urban poverty in Santiago: a remote sector, excluded from the center and the services offered by the city. Today it is common for that street to appear in the press due to violence (La Nación, 2013; Vallejos, 2012; Agüero, 2012). Los Morros, renamed Padre Hurtado in 1995, by decree of the mop, is an area of social conflict.

The concentration of social housing in poorly equipped locations gives Los Morros a different character than Gran Avenida. The latter communicated through Portales Avenue with the Central motorway, the train to the south, connected to the city center by the Metro and has intense commercial activity (Fig. 9). Instead Los Morros, which at its southern end goes into the countryside (as a cul de sac), is the access road to the shantytowns and their surroundings, equipped with small isolated shops installed within nearby houses, but animated by a vegetable and flee market on weekends.

Fig. 9. Urbanization of Portales and Padre Hurtado Avenues from 1960 on.
Source: drawings by Agustina Abarca and Juan Ramón Samaniego

At the same time, the reality of this street contrasts with that of Portales avenue, laid out in 1914 parallel to the train line from San Bernardo to the south. The surrounding agricultural properties have also recently undergone a rapid transformation in the form of housing projects for middle-income groups. Until 1990 the urbanization process of the surroundings had been intermittent. It was a mixture of industries associated with the train, small populations of social housing and farms. In 1998, with the dismantling of the Maestranza de Ferrocarriles de San Bernardo, a middle-income residential complex was built in its place. This project was followed by similar projects that changed the traditional landscape of the avenue; however lately, the predominant population has been through gated communities.

The face of Portales Avenue is now a succession of fences that separate the complexes from each other and the street; these isolated residential developments led to the arrival of large-scale shopping centers. In 2008, construction began on the Mall Plaza Sur shopping center on the south end of the avenue, followed in 2012 by the construction of the Portal San Bernardo mall, on adjacent land.


The Era of Bus Corridors and Citizen Resistance

Today Gran Avenida is an axis of metropolitan importance. It has been the object of various improvement projects between 1955 and now; however, all have faced strong citizen resistance. The first, in 1995, planned to widen its section between Zanjón de la Aguada and Américo Vespucio to create lanes exclusively for public transport but had to be cancelled at the end of the decade, due to the opposition provoked by the community (MIDEPLAN, 2000).

At the beginning of 2000, Gran Avenida was one of the six transportation axes that concentrated eighty percent of the public transportation services in Santiago (Díaz, Gómez-Lobo and Velasco, 2004). With the public transportation reform initiated in 2002 culminating in Transantiago, Gran Avenida was once again considered as a core corridor. On this occasion the project failed due to political opposition from the same ministry departments that proposed it (Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Comisión Investigadora Especial, 2007). In 2008, a new project to transform the section between Zanjón de la Aguada and Américo Vespucio was run aground by citizen opposition to the expropriations and in 2002, one last project proposed to widen the south section between Américo Vespucio and San Bernardo to build exclusive lanes failed as well. This time, it was rejected to protect a group of one hundred year old trees that line the avenue as a remnant of El Bosque (Figueroa, 2013).

Today Gran Avenida and its southern extensions (Los Morros Avenue and Portales Avenue) face an inflexion point. It is one of the most intensely demanded axes for public transportation in the city, and where transit is the slowest and with the largest amount of transfers. It is a vital space for more than 400,000 people inhabiting the surrounding areas of which a third are middle class families, and two-thirds are low-income families that transit daily to access services of all kinds (commercial, educational, institutional, recreational), or they cross it to reach downtown or other destinations in the city. The greatest users of public transportation are at the same time the residents that resist the bus corridors.


Conclusions

This road, which for centuries has given rise to the development of Santiago to the south (to the beat of their different modes of transport) to slowly become a system of avenues serving a populous area of the city, is still an incomplete project. To become a "grand avenue" it still faces challenges.

It inherits from its history an uneven development that has some bearing on connectivity and transport. Concentrated in Los Morros lives the poverty dependent on the bus; the emerging middle classes around Portales Avenue that desire cars to access the highway, while the rising middle classes are grouped around El Llano Subercaseaux, serviced by Metro. Popular specialty retail, antique book sales, bicycles and markets persist in the central area. This system of avenues also inherits a history of strong identity expressed in the resistance to the corridors: between the lines one can read not only the dissatisfaction with the Transantiago service and the threat of expropriation, but also the rejection of the corridor and its imprint on the landscape of the street. With the demand for first-rate, safe, reliable and comfortable public transport comes the demand for a landscape and public space of better quality to intensify services and to ensure sociability and security. Better buildings and quality architectural designs are also part of these expectations.

The wealth of streets lies in the double condition of being both a social space and a space of movement. It is the superimposition between its condition as a road and a place, a space of displacement and placement of buildings and activities, of connectivity from afar and local distribution, providing access to private property while unfolding its public face, which gives the streets the creative tension that gives them their richness. It is this complexity that public policy, urban design and the methods of public transportation are calling to take on, to make Gran Avenida the great avenue the south of Santiago deserves.

The potential for daily human contact, that only the street can offer, is reduced when a relationship between transportation, pedestrian movement, and economic, social and cultural exchanges can no be assured. Without these, as stated by Rykwert, the community pays with the impoverishment of its life, the destruction of public and private property and with the cost of security.

 

Notes

1. Transantiago is the name given to Santiago's public transportation system. The plan proposed the integration of all underground and bus networks, and it was initiated by President Ricardo Lagos and implemented during Michelle Bachelet government in 2007 causing all sorts of controversies (Editor's note).

2. "Gran Avenida" is a major road within the urban network of Santiago; it runs from North to South connecting downtown with the southern areas of the city (Editor's note).

3. "La Canada" is the old name of current Alameda Bernardo O'Higgins, the southern edge of the historical city and major East-West axis in Santiago (Editor's note).

4. This is a creek that runs from East to West across the flatlands to the south of the historical city of Santiago. From the beginning of urban expansion to the South it served as an open sewer; its borders were frequently occupied by shantytowns until the second half of the 20th century.

5. This term in Chile describes the overcrowding of single-family houses due to the presence of more than one family in the property. Most of the times it is about sharing with relatives that can't afford their own space (Editor's note).

 

References

AA.VV. Plano General de la ciudad de Santiago con la numeración de las manzanas. Asociación Chilena de Aseguradores contra Incendio, Santiago, 1902.

AA.VV. "El ferrocarril de El Llano Subercaseaux". Pluma y Lápiz Vol. 5, N° 19. Imprenta Barcelona, Santiago, 10 de mayo de 1903, p. 12-13.

AA.VV. 75 Anos Chilectra. Departamento de Relaciones Públicas de Chilectra S.A., Santiago, 1996.

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental "Inmobiliario Maestranza de San Bernardo". Desarrollo Inmobiliario de San Bernardo, Santiago, 1998.

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental Mall Plaza Sur. Mall Plaza Sur, Santiago, 2008.

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental "Portal San Bernardo". Sociedad Inmobiliaria del Sur, Santiago, 2012.

FUENTES, L. "Plano de Santiago". ESPINOZA, Enrique (ed). Jeografía descriptiva de la República de Chile. Imprenta i Encuadernación Barcelona, Santiago, 1897, p. 17.

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE EL BOSQUE. Historia de la comuna de El Bosque. El Bosque [Online]. 2013. Available at:http://www.imelbosque.cl/contenido/contenido.php?seccion=sincomhistoria.

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE LA CISTERNA. Historia de la comuna de La Cisterna. [Online]. 2013. Available at: http://www.cisterna.cl/informacion_comunal.html.

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE SAN BERNARDO. Historia de la comuna de San Bernardo. [Online]. 2013. Available at: http://www.sanbernardo.cl/contenidos/nuestra.comuna/nuestra.comuna.historia.html.

MOP Ministerio de Obras Públicas. Decreto 58. Cambia denominación al camino Los Morros, situado en la provincia de Maipo, Región Metropolitana en homenaje al Padre Hurtado. Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Santiago, 1995.

SEPÚLVEDA, Daniela. "De tomas de terreno a campamentos: movimiento social y político de los pobladores sin casa, durante las décadas del '60 y '70 en la periferia urbana de Santiago de Chile". Revista INVI Vol. XIII N° 35. Instituto de la Vivienda de la Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 1998, p. 103-115.

 

Bibliographic references

AA.VV. Informe o noticia histórica sobre la apertura del canal del Maipo: formación i progresos de la sociedad. Sociedad del Canal del Maipo, Santiago, 1859.

AA.VV. Mediciones de flujos de pasajeros en terminales intermodales. Metro de Santiago, Santiago, 2011.

AGÜERO, Bárbara. "La historia tras el ataque de la mujer que resultó quemada en San Bernardo". La Tercera. COPESA, Santiago, 7 de julio de 2012.

AGUIRRE, Beatriz y Simón CASTILLO. Para una comprensión del espacio público urbano en Santiago de Chile: la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y la época del Centenario. Universidad Central, Santiago, 2002.

CARVAJAL, Carlos. Arquitectura racional de las futuras ciudades. Cámara Chilena de la Construcción; Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile; Dirección de Bibliotecas, Archivos y Museos, Santiago, 2012.

CARMONA, Matthew; TIESDELL, Steve; HEATH Tim y Taner OC. Public Places Urban Spaces, The Dimensions of Urban Design. Original de 2003, segunda edición. Routledge, Architectural Press, London, 2010.

CORNEJO, Luis; SAAVEDRA Miguel y Héctor VERA. "Nuevos registros de asentamientos Inka en la cordillera andina de Chile Central". Boletín de la Sociedad de Arqueología Vol. 39. Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología, Santiago, 2006, p. 7-18.

DE RAMÓN, Armando. "Estudio de una periferia urbana. Santiago de Chile, 1850-1900". Historia Vol. 20. Instituto de Historia de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1985, p. 199-289.

REDACCIÓN DEL DIARIO LA NACIÓN. "Día del Joven Combatiente: incidentes en villa Francia y otros sectores de Santiago". La Nación, Santiago, 29 de marzo de 2013.

DÍAZ, Guillermo, Andrés GÓMEZ-LOBO y Andrés VELASCO. "Micros en Santiago: de enemigo público a servicio público". Estudios Públicos Vol. 96. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Santiago, 2004, p. 5-48.

ECHAIZ, René. Historia de Santiago. Imprenta Ricardo Neupert, Santiago, 1975.

ERRÁZURIZ, Tomás. "El asalto de los motorizados. El transporte moderno y la crisis del tránsito público en Santiago, 1900-1927". Historia Vol. 43 N° II. Instituto de Historia, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 2010, p. 357-411.

FIGUEROA, Christian. "Implementation of Bus Rapid Transit infrastructure: conflicts, meanings and contradictions in the defense of the streets of Santiago de Chile". Flux Vol. 90. Laboratoire Techniques, Territoires et Sociétés, École des Ponts ParisTech, Champs sur Marne, 2013, p. 33-44.

FIGUEROA, Jonás. "La ciudad lineal del centenario: los cien anos de la utopía lineal". Revista de Urbanismo Vol. 20. Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo de la Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 2009, s.n.

FIGUEROA, Jonás. URBanismo. 2013. [Online]. Bibliographic: http://urbanismo.8m.com/ lineal/lineal.htm [último acceso: 30 de mayo de 2013].

GRANDÓN, Rómulo. Anuario del Observatorio Astronómico Nacional de la Universidad de Chile para el ano 1952. Editorial Universitaria, Santiago, 1952.

HIDALGO, Rodrigo. "La vivienda social en Santiago de Chile en la segunda mitad del siglo XX: actores relevantes y tendencias espaciales". DE MATTOS, Carlos; DUCCI, María Elena; RODRÍGUEZ, Alfredo y Gloria YÁÑEZ. Santiago en la globalización: ?una nueva ciudad?. Sur- EURE Libros, Santiago, 2004, p. 219-242.

HIDALGO, Nancy. Las estaciones que fundaron el metro en Santiago de Chile. Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Arquitectura. Universitat Politecnica de Catalunya, Departament de Projectes Arquitectonics, Barcelona, 2012.

KARSTULOVIC, A. Moderno y práctico plano de Santiago. Litografía Marinetti, Santiago, 1939.

MARÍN, Pablo. "Gran Avenida, 1995". La Tercera. copesa, Santiago, 22 de julio de 2013, p. 33.

MARÍN, Santiago. Los ferrocarriles de Chile. Imprenta Cervantes, Santiago, 1916.

MARTÍNEZ, Mariano. Industrias santiaguinas. Imprenta y Encuadernación Barcelona, Santiago, 1896.

METRO DE SANTIAGO. Metro de Santiago. [En línea]. 2013. Available at: http://www.metro.cl/guia-viajero/intermodal-lo-ovalle [último acceso: 20 de junio de 2013].

MIDEPLAN Ministerio de Planificación y Cooperación. Mejoramiento de diversos ejes. Vialidad urbana, II etapa. Gobierno de Chile, Santiago, 2000.

MINISTERIO DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS - COMISIÓN INVESTIGADORA ESPECIAL. Informe de la comisión especial encargada de analizar los errores en el proceso de diseno e implementación del plan Transantiago. Cámara de Diputados, Valparaiso, 2007.

MINISTERIO DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS Y VÍAS DE COMUNICACIÓN. Ley 9.938. Fija porcentajes en la distribución del impuesto que indica para la adquisición de terrenos para aeródromos y construcción de caminos. Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Vías de Comunicación, Santiago, 1951.

MINISTERIO DEL INTERIOR. Ley 14.652. Denomina Gran Avenida José Miguel Carrera a la "Gran Avenida" que atraviesa las comunas de San Miguel, La Cisterna y San Bernardo. Ministerio del Interior, Santiago, 1961.

MINVU. Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo y Colegio de Arquitectos. Juan Parrochia Beguin / Premio 1996. 6 planes para Santiago. Editorial Antártica, Santiago, 1996.

MORALES, Sergio. "El Metro de Santiago". Revista EURE Vol. XIV N° 42. Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1988, p. 19-41.

MORRISON, Allen. Los tranvías de Chile. Editorial Ricaaventura, Santiago, 2008.

PARROCHIA, Juan. Santiago en el tercer cuarto del s. XX. Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 1978.

PAVEZ, María Isabel. En la ruta de Juan Parrochia Beguin. Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 2010.

PIZZI, Marcela; VALENZUELA, María Paz y Juan BENAVIDES. El patrimonio arquitectónico industrial en torno al ex ferrocarril de circunvalación de Santiago: testimonio del desarrollo industrial manufacturero en el siglo XX. Editorial Universitaria, Santiago, 2009.

PIZZI, Marcela; VALENZUELA, María Paz; BENAVIDES, Juan y Martín DURÁN. El ferrocarril de circunvalación, su rol en la consolidación de la ciudad de Santiago de Chile a principios del siglo XX. Congreso de Historia Ferroviaria, Malaga, 2006.

QUINTANA, Hernán y Augusto SALINAS. "Cuatro siglos de astronomía en Chile". Revista Universitaria Vol. 83. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 2004, p. 53-60.

RISTENPART, Friedrich. El Observatorio Astronómico Nacional de Santiago en 1909. Observatorio Astronómico Nacional, Santiago, 1909.

ROMERO, Luis. "Urbanización y sectores populares: Santiago de Chile, 1830-1875". Revista EURE Vol. XI N° 31. Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1984, p. 57-66.

RYKWERT, Joseph. The Necessity of Artifice: Ideas in Architecture. Academy Editions, London, 1982, p. 103-113.

SCHKOLNIK, Saúl. Historia de la Canada. Comprendiendo toda la época hispánica desde 1541 hasta el ano 1829. Seminario del Instituto de Historia del Arte, Universidad de Chile Ediciones, Santiago, 1955.

STEHBERG, Rubén. "Los caminos del Inka en Chile". Tras la huella del Inka en Chile. Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, Santiago, 2001, p. 93-100.

STEHBERG, Rubén y Gonzalo SOTOMAYOR. "Mapocho incaico". Boletín del Museo Nacional de Historia Natural Vol. 61. Museo Nacional de Historia Natural, Santiago, 2012, p. 85-149.

SUGRANYES, Ana y Raúl MORALES. "Resistencia y propuestas hacia el derecho al suelo". AA.VV. Derecho al suelo y la ciudad en América Latina. La realidad y los caminos posibles. TRILCE Uruguay, Comité Cooperativo Sueco y Hábitat International Coalition, Montevideo, 2012, p. 27-44.

THAYER OJEDA, Luis. Santiago de Chile. Origen del nombre de sus calles. Librería, Imprenta y Encuadernación de Guillermo E. Miranda, Santiago, 1904.

VALLEJOS, Leonardo. "Atacan comisaría en San Bernardo en víspera del Día del Joven Combatiente". [Online]. 2012. Available at: http://www.emol.com/noticias/nacional/2012/03/28/533222/balean--y-apedrean-comisaria-en-san-bernardo-en-vispera-del-diadel-joven-combatiente.html [último acceso: 28 de marzo de 2012]

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. Historia crítica y social de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundación hasta nuestros días (1541-1868). Imprenta de la Librería de El Mercurio, Valparaiso, 1869.

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. La transformación de Santiago. Imprenta de la Librería de El Mercurio, Santiago, 1872.

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. Una peregrinación a través de las calles de la ciudad de Santiago. Guillermo E. Miranda, Santiago, 1902.

ZAÑARTU, Sady. Santiago. Calles viejas. Editora Nacional Gabriela Mistral, Santiago, 1975.


1. Rossana Forray. Architect, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1982; MSc Urbanism, 1991 y PhD en Sciences Appliquées, Université Catholique de Louvain, 1998. She has been visiting faculty member in France, Mexico, Nicaragua, Madagascar, Bolivia, Peru, Brazil and U.S.A.; also she has been consultant in the scholar and research realms focusing in urban and social development policies and projects, industrial heritage and urban renewal. Her present research addresses sustainable urban development, particularly mobility and public space issues. She is the author of publications such as Coproduire nos espaces publics and The Tribune Tree, European Principles of Citizen Participation in urban Regeneration Policies. Currently she is associated professor at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile and visiting faculty member at the Université Catholique de Louvain.

2. Cristhian Figueroa. Architect and Magíster en Proyecto Urbano, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2011. He has participated in research projects on mobility, public space and transport; he received the Young researcher Award from the Institut pour la Ville en Mouvement (2012) and the Prize to the Best Lecture at the III Encuentro Iberoamericano de Movilidad Urbana Sostenible. His work has been published in France, Peru and Chile; currently he is member of the Laboratorio de Ciudad y Movilidad FADEU-UC.

3. Rocío Hidalgo. Architect, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 1997 and Doctor, Escola Tecnica Superior d' Arquitectura de Barcelona at UPC, 2012. Currently she is assistant professor at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile School of Architecture, in the areas of Design Studios and Urbanism (undergraduate and postgraduate). She is a member of the Laboratorio de Ciudad y Movilidad fadeu-uc and of BRT - Across Latitudes and Cultures Center at the UC where she conducts the researches "Trade and collective space in Santiago de Chile: some clues for understanding the contemporary urban space?" and "Designing Bus Rapid Transit BRT Corridors, Santiago - Boston".

AA.VV. Plano General de la ciudad de Santiago con la numeración de las manzanas. Asociación Chilena de Aseguradores contra Incendio, Santiago, 1902.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. "El ferrocarril de El Llano Subercaseaux". Pluma y Lápiz Vol. 5, N° 19. Imprenta Barcelona, Santiago, 10 de mayo de 1903, p. 12-13.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. 75 Años Chilectra. Departamento de Relaciones Públicas de Chilectra S.A., Santiago, 1996.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental "Inmobiliario Maestranza de San Bernardo". Desarrollo Inmobiliario de San Bernardo, Santiago, 1998.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental Mall Plaza Sur. Mall Plaza Sur, Santiago, 2008.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. Declaración de impacto ambiental "Portal San Bernardo". Sociedad Inmobiliaria del Sur, Santiago, 2012.         [ Links ]

FUENTES, L. "Plano de Santiago". ESPINOZA, Enrique (ed). Jeografía descriptiva de la República de Chile. Imprenta i Encuadernación Barcelona, Santiago, 1897, p. 17.         [ Links ]

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE EL BOSQUE. Historia de la comuna de El Bosque. El Bosque [En línea]. 2013. Disponible en: http://www.imelbosque.cl/contenido/contenido.php?seccion=sincomhistoria.         [ Links ]

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE LA CISTERNA. Historia de la comuna de La Cisterna. [En línea]. 2013. Disponible en: http://www.cisterna.cl/informacion_comunal.html.         [ Links ]

ILUSTRE MUNICIPALIDAD DE SAN BERNARDO. Historia de la comuna de San Bernardo. [En línea]. 2013. Disponible en: http://www.sanbernardo.cl/contenidos/nuestra.comuna/nuestra.comuna.historia.html.         [ Links ]

MOP Ministerio de Obras Públicas. Decreto 58. Cambia denominación al camino Los Morros, situado en la provincia de Maipo, Región Metropolitana en homenaje al Padre Hurtado. Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Santiago, 1995.         [ Links ]

SEPÚLVEDA, Daniela. "De tomas de terreno a campamentos: movimiento social y político de los pobladores sin casa, durante las décadas del '60 y '70 en la periferia urbana de Santiago de Chile". Revista INVI Vol. XIII N° 35. Instituto de la Vivienda de la Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 1998, p. 103-115.         [ Links ]

 

Referencias bibliográficas

AA.VV. Informe o noticia histórica sobre la apertura del canal del Maipo: formación i progresos de la sociedad. Sociedad del Canal del Maipo, Santiago, 1859.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. Mediciones de flujos de pasajeros en terminales intermodales. Metro de Santiago, Santiago, 2011.         [ Links ]

AGÜERO, Bárbara. "La historia tras el ataque de la mujer que resultó quemada en San Bernardo". La Tercera. COPESA, Santiago, 7 de julio de 2012.         [ Links ]

AGUIRRE, Beatriz y Simón CASTILLO. Para una comprensión del espacio público urbano en Santiago de Chile: la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y la época del Centenario. Universidad Central, Santiago, 2002.         [ Links ]

CARVAJAL, Carlos. Arquitectura racional de las futuras ciudades. Cámara Chilena de la Construcción; Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile; Dirección de Bibliotecas, Archivos y Museos, Santiago, 2012.         [ Links ]

CARMONA, Matthew; TIESDELL, Steve; HEATH Tim y Taner OC. Public Places Urban Spaces, The Dimensions of Urban Design. Original de 2003, segunda edición. Routledge, Architectural Press, Londres, 2010.         [ Links ]

CORNEJO, Luis; SAAVEDRA Miguel y Héctor VERA. "Nuevos registros de asentamientos Inka en la cordillera andina de Chile Central". Boletín de la Sociedad de Arqueología Vol. 39. Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología, Santiago, 2006, p. 7-18.         [ Links ]

DE RAMÓN, Armando. "Estudio de una periferia urbana. Santiago de Chile, 1850-1900". Historia Vol. 20. Instituto de Historia de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1985, p. 199-289.         [ Links ]

REDACCIÓN DEL DIARIO LA NACIÓN. "Día del Joven Combatiente: incidentes en villa Francia y otros sectores de Santiago". La Nación, Santiago, 29 de marzo de 2013.         [ Links ]

DÍAZ, Guillermo, Andrés GÓMEZ-LOBO y Andrés VELASCO. "Micros en Santiago: de enemigo público a servicio público". Estudios Públicos Vol. 96. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Santiago, 2004, p. 5-48.         [ Links ]

ECHAIZ, René. Historia de Santiago. Imprenta Ricardo Neupert, Santiago, 1975.         [ Links ]

ERRÁZURIZ, Tomás. "El asalto de los motorizados. El transporte moderno y la crisis del tránsito público en Santiago, 1900-1927". Historia Vol. 43 N° II. Instituto de Historia, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 2010, p. 357-411.         [ Links ]

FIGUEROA, Christian. "Implementation of Bus Rapid Transit infrastructure: conflicts, meanings and contradictions in the defense of the streets of Santiago de Chile". Flux Vol. 90. Laboratoire Techniques, Territoires et Sociétés, École des Ponts ParisTech, Champs sur Marne, 2013, p. 33-44.         [ Links ]

FIGUEROA, Jonás. "La ciudad lineal del centenario: los cien años de la utopía lineal". Revista de Urbanismo Vol. 20. Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo de la Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 2009, s.n.         [ Links ]

FIGUEROA, Jonás. URBanismo. 2013. [En línea]. Disponible en: http://urbanismo.8m.com/lineal/lineal.htm [último acceso: 30 de mayo de 2013]         [ Links ].

GRANDÓN, Rómulo. Anuario del Observatorio Astronómico Nacional de la Universidad de Chile para el año 1952. Editorial Universitaria, Santiago, 1952.         [ Links ]

HIDALGO, Rodrigo. "La vivienda social en Santiago de Chile en la segunda mitad del siglo XX: actores relevantes y tendencias espaciales". DE MATTOS, Carlos; DUCCI, María Elena; RODRÍGUEZ, Alfredo y Gloria YÁÑEZ. Santiago en la globalización: ?una nueva ciudad?. Sur- EURE Libros, Santiago, 2004, p. 219-242.         [ Links ]

HIDALGO, Nancy. Las estaciones que fundaron el metro en Santiago de Chile. Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Arquitectura. Universitat Politecnica de Catalunya, Departament de Projectes Arquitectonics, Barcelona, 2012.         [ Links ]

KARSTULOVIC, A. Moderno y práctico plano de Santiago. Litografía Marinetti, Santiago, 1939.         [ Links ]

MARÍN, Pablo. "Gran Avenida, 1995". La Tercera. copesa, Santiago, 22 de julio de 2013, p. 33.         [ Links ]

MARÍN, Santiago. Los ferrocarriles de Chile. Imprenta Cervantes, Santiago, 1916.         [ Links ]

MARTÍNEZ, Mariano. Industrias santiaguinas. Imprenta y Encuadernación Barcelona, Santiago, 1896.         [ Links ]

METRO DE SANTIAGO. Metro de Santiago. [En línea]. 2013. Disponible en: http://www.metro.cl/guia-viajero/intermodal-lo-ovalle [último acceso: 20 de junio de 2013]         [ Links ].

MIDEPLAN Ministerio de Planificación y Cooperación. Mejoramiento de diversos ejes. Vialidad urbana, II etapa. Gobierno de Chile, Santiago, 2000.         [ Links ]

MINISTERIO DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS - COMISIÓN INVESTIGADORA ESPECIAL. Informe de la comisión especial encargada de analizar los errores en el proceso de diseño e implementación del plan Transantiago. Cámara de Diputados, Valparaíso, 2007.         [ Links ]

MINISTERIO DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS Y VÍAS DE COMUNICACIÓN. Ley 9.938. Fija porcentajes en la distribución del impuesto que indica para la adquisición de terrenos para aeródromos y construcción de caminos. Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Vías de Comunicación, Santiago, 1951.         [ Links ]

MINISTERIO DEL INTERIOR. Ley 14.652. Denomina Gran Avenida José Miguel Carrera a la "Gran Avenida" que atraviesa las comunas de San Miguel, La Cisterna y San Bernardo. Ministerio del Interior, Santiago, 1961.         [ Links ]

MINVU. Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo y Colegio de Arquitectos. Juan Parrochia Beguin / Premio 1996. 6 planes para Santiago. Editorial Antártica, Santiago, 1996.         [ Links ]

MORALES, Sergio. "El Metro de Santiago". Revista EURE Vol. XIV N° 42. Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1988, p. 19-41.         [ Links ]

MORRISON, Allen. Los tranvías de Chile. Editorial Ricaaventura, Santiago, 2008.         [ Links ]

PARROCHIA, Juan. Santiago en el tercer cuarto del s. XX. Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 1978.         [ Links ]

PAVEZ, María Isabel. En la ruta de Juan Parrochia Beguin. Universidad de Chile, Santiago, 2010.         [ Links ]

PIZZI, Marcela; VALENZUELA, María Paz y Juan BENAVIDES. El patrimonio arquitectónico industrial en torno al ex ferrocarril de circunvalación de Santiago: testimonio del desarrollo industrial manufacturero en el siglo XX. Editorial Universitaria, Santiago, 2009.         [ Links ]

PIZZI, Marcela; VALENZUELA, María Paz; BENAVIDES, Juan y Martín DURÁN. El ferrocarril de circunvalación, su rol en la consolidación de la ciudad de Santiago de Chile a principios del siglo XX. Congreso de Historia Ferroviaria, Málaga, 2006.         [ Links ]

QUINTANA, Hernán y Augusto SALINAS. "Cuatro siglos de astronomía en Chile". Revista Universitaria Vol. 83. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 2004, p. 53-60.         [ Links ]

RISTENPART, Friedrich. El Observatorio Astronómico Nacional de Santiago en 1909. Observatorio Astronómico Nacional, Santiago, 1909.         [ Links ]

ROMERO, Luis. "Urbanización y sectores populares: Santiago de Chile, 1830-1875". Revista EURE Vol. XI N° 31. Instituto de Estudios Urbanos y Territoriales, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, 1984, p. 57-66.         [ Links ]

RYKWERT, Joseph. The Necessity of Artifice: Ideas in Architecture. Academy Editions, Londres, 1982, p. 103-113.         [ Links ]

SCHKOLNIK, Saúl. Historia de la Cañada. Comprendiendo toda la época hispánica desde 1541 hasta el año 1829. Seminario del Instituto de Historia del Arte, Universidad de Chile Ediciones, Santiago, 1955.         [ Links ]

STEHBERG, Rubén. "Los caminos del Inka en Chile". Tras la huella del Inka en Chile. Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, Santiago, 2001, p. 93-100.         [ Links ]

STEHBERG, Rubén y Gonzalo SOTOMAYOR. "Mapocho incaico". Boletín del Museo Nacional de Historia Natural Vol. 61. Museo Nacional de Historia Natural, Santiago, 2012, p. 85-149.         [ Links ]

SUGRANYES, Ana y Raúl MORALES. "Resistencia y propuestas hacia el derecho al suelo". AA.VV. Derecho al suelo y la ciudad en América Latina. La realidad y los caminos posibles. TRILCE Uruguay, Comité Cooperativo Sueco y Hábitat International Coalition, Montevideo, 2012, p. 27-44.         [ Links ]

THAYER OJEDA, Luis. Santiago de Chile. Origen del nombre de sus calles. Librería, Imprenta y Encuadernación de Guillermo E. Miranda, Santiago, 1904.         [ Links ]

VALLEJOS, Leonardo. "Atacan comisaría en San Bernardo en víspera del Día del Joven Combatiente". [En línea]. 2012. Disponible en: http://www.emol.com/noticias/nacional/2012/03/28/533222/balean--y-apedrean-comisaria-en-san-bernardo-en-vispera-del-diadel-joven-combatiente.html [último acceso: 28 de marzo de 2012]         [ Links ]

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. Historia crítica y social de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundación hasta nuestros días (1541-1868). Imprenta de la Librería de El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 1869.         [ Links ]

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. La transformación de Santiago. Imprenta de la Librería de El Mercurio, Santiago, 1872.         [ Links ]

VICUÑA MACKENNA, Benjamín. Una peregrinación a través de las calles de la ciudad de Santiago. Guillermo E. Miranda, Santiago, 1902.         [ Links ]

ZAÑARTU, Sady. Santiago. Calles viejas. Editora Nacional Gabriela Mistral, Santiago, 1975.         [ Links ]

Creative Commons License Todo el contenido de esta revista, excepto dónde está identificado, está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons