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ARQ (Santiago)

versión On-line ISSN 0717-6996

ARQ (Santiago)  no.85 Santiago dic. 2013

http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0717-69962013000300009 

READINGS

Public Hygiene and Urban Mobility in the Santiago of 1900

  

Rodrigo Booth*(1)

*Professor, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile.


Abstract

How has changed the notion of environmental pollution as a problem specific to the city? A review on the fragile health status of the public space in Santiago in the late 19th century reveals an unexpected and consistent link between urban pollution and transportation.

Keywords: Urbanism - Chile, History - Chile, animal drawn transport, environmental pollution, paving, urban traffic.


 
The Animalization of the Environment

At the end of the 19th century, practically all of the urban mobility in Santiago consisted of horse and animal drawn vehicles. Before the eruption of motorization or the eruption of the electrification of public transportation, the massive circulation of animals within the city generated diverse public hygiene problems that were addressed by health professionals.

This work(1) studied the impact that medical theory and hygiene practice criticized having the horse as the sustainer of urban transport. It was proposed that the health professionals reproached the combination between the massive production of biological waste originating from animal transit and the poor condition of the sidewalks, generally unpaved, as propitious to the spread of disease. The medical criticism of the current urban system of Santiago at that moment constitutes the first evidence of the presence of conflicts between transportation and the environment in Chile's capital. The critical diagnosis of the negative consequences of animal traffic led the health professionals to install new debates that motivated the building authorities to propose solutions for reducing the impact that the biological remains that the animals generated on the hygienic conditions of the city. The gradual replacement of earth for washable pavement on the city surfaces and the electrification of the tramway are two of the first consequences of this early environmental debate. In accordance with this, the arrival of the automobile at the beginning of the twentieth century was a technical novelty that was interpreted by some as a contribution facing the urban environmental problem imposed by massive animal transit. The records of medical diffusion and the commercial interests expressed in automobile publicity express a symbolic competition between the contaminating animals opposed with the hygienic automobiles that were called to definitively resolve the problem of biological contamination in the city. The threat of massive animal traffic that sustained daily mobility in the city would be, from this perspective, solved by the introduction of the motor.


A Hygienic Crusade Against the Animalization of the Urban Environment

Throughout the last decade of the 19th century, several Chilean health professionals used the diffusion of medical knowledge to speak out about the health situation resulting from mass animal transit in the streets of Santiago de Chile. With no other alternatives, virtually all movement by people and cargo traffic depended on animals to meet the requirements of mobility of capital. The attention of hygienists was directed towards offering solutions that would allow them to combat the "animalization of the environment" as it was called. Around their proposals -for the first time in Santiago- a scientific discussion was forged aimed at resolving an environmental problem caused by overcrowding of urban traffic, in this case by live animals.

For Chileans hygienists, dirt from the air and surfaces of urban traffic were directly linked to the uncontrolled expansion of the use of the horse as the dominant system in daily commutes. While it is difficult to estimate the total number of animals circulating in Santiago in the last decade of the Public hygiene and urban mobility in the Santiago of 1900 Rodrigo Booth Professor, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile. 19th century (fig. 1, 2 and 3), especially because the official statistics after the institutional crisis of 1891 are very poor, one can say that in the capital of Chile about ten thousand to twelve thousand animals circulated daily, principally horses, but oxen and cows as well. For a city that, according to the 1895 census, had just over 250 thousand inhabitants, the rate of animals in circulation reached a ratio between 20 to 25 people per animal, a somewhat lower rate than other overcrowded cities, like New York or Chicago, two of the best cities documented by urban environmental historiography.(2)

Fig. 1. Plaza de Armas de Santiago, decade of 1870.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional. (Fb-9585).

Fig. 2. Plaza de Armas de Santiago and Portal Mac Clure.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (PFB-000625/Fb-004989)..

Fig. 3. Ox-drawn cart in dirt and mud road, South Santiago.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Fa-4356).

Given the above figures, a conservative estimate is that daily Santiago produced between 150 to 200 tons of manure. Most of this waste was deposited in stables and barns, where the animal population was concentrated during the night and part of the day when the animals were not engaged in their daily work of transportation. In these places the organic waste was stored temporarily before being marketed as fertilizer for farming. Quickly, the production of organic wastes and direct deposition especially in public spaces began to be considered as an important health problem.(3)

For the last decade of the 19th century and early 20th century, various sources report on an abundant production of animal wastes that were evacuated directly on the streets. The lack of regulation to oblige the animals' owners to carry some element to collect the manure instead of being thrown into the street, and the almost complete absence of washable floors in town were aspects used to explain the difficulties facing the work of the Directorate of Sanitation for the Municipality of Santiago, which could not efficiently clean transit surfaces. But not only animal excrement was considered harmful for urban hygiene. Air saturation resulting from the concentration of animal respiration in confined spaces, or dust raised by animal-drawn carts on their way through dirt roads were also aspects considered by health professionals. Numerous graphic evidence, such as photographs, illustrated stories in magazines and even postal cards dedicated to the dissemination of the city, properly exposed the poor quality of the road surface, the dumping of animal feces on the roadways and the problem this situation entailed on the daily lives of the inhabitants of Santiago. In this context, Chilean hygienists initiated a debate that transcends the urban history of Santiago, exploring for the first time the problematic relationship between transport and the environment.

Among the analysis proposed by scientists and doctors who qualified circulation of animal-drawn carts, the text Estudios ijiénicos del aire by the scientists Newman and Salazar stand out. Based on measurements taken both indoors and on the streets of Santiago and Valparaiso, these hygienists observed high concentrations of co2, due to both combustion produced by the gas lamps in some enclosed spaces (such as theaters), and as a product of the respiration and exhalation of animals, particularly horses, transiting the city (Salazar and Newman, 1895).

By the turn of the century, several specialized publications collected in medical journals in Santiago addressed the environmental problems generated by the movement of animals on the dirt roads dominating Chilean urban scene. For example, Revista Chilena de Hijiene noted that traffic vehicles drawn by animals caused an increase of airborne dust, which together with the biological waste of horses, lifted germs into the atmosphere (AA.VV. 1902). Such judgments were abundantly repeated in the press, as shown in the report written in 1898 by Dr. Luis Astaburuaga , directed to the Inspector General of Health, where the problem was addressed in Valparaiso by proposing comprehensive solutions to the Chilean cities and particularly in Santiago where the contamination problem was more visible. In this paper, a need to prohibit animals in the city center as much as possible, petitioned the regulation of horse parking in the streets, and the prohibition of raw milk sales directly from the cows was called for. Astaburuaga was emphatic in pointing out the problems associated with the animal transit in modern cities and demanded the replacement of animal power for alternatives that, in his opinion, were more hygienic. For him, it was necessary "to exclude the maximum number of animals from the inner city that together produce enormous quantities of organic waste and advocates the electric methods and the steam produced by the traction and movement of vehicles through the streets, the electric media is also advocated to produce steam and traction vehicles and put them in moving through the streets, because it had been proved that the inhalation of smoke from locomotives is less harmful to human health than the exhalations and emanations originating from the excrement of large numbers of horses and other animals that, at present, move through the public streets and infest the soil of the cities (.) It is easily understood that the agglomeration of animals in a small territory such as a city, engenders unadaptable conditions for maintaining the health of the humans" (Astaburuaga , 1899).

In a context like that which dominated the Chilean medical culture during the turn of the century, already attached to bacteriological medicine, it is not surprising that an important part of the hygienist criticism against the presence of the horse and other animals should focus on the abundant production of excrement that was freely deposited on the surface of the roads. The shortage of washable floors contributed to the accumulation of biomass waste mixed with dust in summer and mud in winter. In addition to this, animal dung was conducive to the reproduction of common flies that lay their eggs in the waste, according to some doctors. For professional Mamertus Cádiz, for example, flies that lay their larvae in the feces of the animals were a dangerous transmissible agent of diseases such as cholera, so eradication was considered by him as a condition to prevent the dissemination of such disease (Cádiz, 1911).

The concern of the Chilean hygienists over the accumulation of manure and other biological wastes on dirt roads, resulted in recommendations to the authorities to address the problem of animal concentration in certain urban areas, such as those that served as horse parking or places where the carriages awaited passengers. Given the problems caused by the permanence of animals in certain corners, local hygienists recommended, for example, the prohibition the parking of animals on public roads, or allow it only in well-paved areas with the availability of water and drains to properly clean waste so that "horses do not infect the ground with their droppings and urine" (Astaburuaga and Carvallo, 1899). Such recommendations were difficult for the health authorities to take on considering, for example, the requirements for milk sales. In 1902 the municipality of Santiago authorized the location of these animals in over 300 corners of Santiago (fig. 4), distributed throughout the surface of the city in order to supply this food to the population.(4)

Fig. 4. Milk cows around the San Cristóbal hill and Mapocho River, 1902. Subercaseaux Family Album, donated by Alberto Cruz.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Fb-1577).

The collected information supports the idea that Chilean hygienists led a true sanitary crusade against the animalization of urban environment. For the foregoing reasons, the horse was positioned as an enemy of public health, even though alternative systems of city transport, such as steam or electric cars, had not yet been incorporated, and circulation of motor vehicles was not yet observed. However, health professionals seeking alternatives promoted cleaning up the city. Some suggested the desirability of replacing the "horse tram" by an electric system that would replace the thousands of horses that were dedicated to daily moving trucks urban tram cars through Santiago (fig. 5). Urban paving was also suggested by those who observed the need to wash the roads as a way to avoid unhealthy conditions promoted by the mass production of excrement. From their perspective, adequate paving would permit the isolation the contaminants on urban land and to wash the surface of the streets with water, thus preventing biological animal waste to be mixed with mud in the winter or with dust in summer. Ultimately, the sanitary judgment of the horse as a significant force in promoting automobile traffic was opened in Santiago during the first decade of the 20th century. Although it is paradox observed from now -when the car is considered one of the main sources of environmental pollution in modern cities- in the context of the problems associated with 19th century animal traffic its introduction was read by some hygienists as a salvation to environmental problems posed by the horse.

Fig. 5. Horse tram en route to Renca.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (PFA-000671).


Sanitary Proposals for City Surfaces

The commonplace rates the paving of the city as the automatic result of the process of increased motorization observed in the urban environment during the first decades of the 20th century. While this statement could come from the generalization of motorized transport (that effectively caused the massive paving of North American and European cities since 1900 and, with some delay, also accelerated the transformation of the streets in Latin American cities from the 1920's) the fact is that in the first instance, the data of urban paving is prior to the advent of motorization period. In Chile it is clear that the first modern paving responded more to a hygiene problem than the demand for motorized traffic with smoother roads to facilitate the movement of cars.

The chronic shortage of washable surfaces in Santiago was a significant concern for Santiago doctors. In 1894, professional Wenceslao Díaz testified before the Hygiene Council that Santiago was, without exaggeration, "the dustiest city in the world, and muddy on rainy winter days". The hygienist considered the predominance of unpaved roads as a serious medical problem because the sweeping, which was done on dirt roads where animal feces are usually deposited, lifted "dust [that] is laden with organic substances and microorganisms transmitting diseases". For Díaz, it was necessary to replace street sweeping by washing with water, which could only be achieved through paving the old dirt roads (Puga Borne, 1896).

A concluded study presented a few years later by the doctor Víctor Villagra Gacitúa to obtain his degree at the University of Chile, delved into these arguments by pointing to the need for comprehensive paving in the city as a method to directly attack the lack hygiene in the streets. Like several of his colleagues, Villagra Gacitúa noted that the main problem of hygiene in the streets were "clandestine excretions and transient animals, dust and mud depending on the season, garbage from homes (...) the objectionable habit of depositing sewage waste in the street", as was the case especially in remote downtown streets. In their study, carriages transport and horses kicking up "carbonaceous mineral substances" obstructing the airways and even raising "large quantities of bacteria, many of them pathogens such as tuberculosis". The horse occupied a prominent place in their review, stating that the cleansing interventions of the wooded park built by Vicuna Mackenna in the Santa Lucia hill looked hampered by the stables surrounding it (Gacitúa Villagra, 1900).

The critical study by Villagra Gacitúa first proposed a program of general solutions for the city; the doctor thought that public authorities should address it. This exposed his visions about the features the streets should have, their directions, their exposure to the sun, their width, the location of open spaces adjacent to areas of movement to favor suitable wind, among other elements would promote hygiene in urban transit spaces. The hygienic qualities of the various materials available for coating surfaces out of the streets were also seen by this author, who did not hesitate to qualify the natural soil as a factor that promoted the uncleanliness in the city, while other materials more or less modern, could contribute to the advancement of some health problems.

On that subject, gravel was considered the cheapest alternative, although not ideal, because in its imperfections it could shelter some of the microorganisms from the waste of animals. A better alternative was cobblestone, although its surface emitted loud noises from the passage of the horses and carriages. The solid wooden block, in fashion in the upper class streets where bourgeoisie lived -like Dieciocho St.-, reduced noise but turned slippery after rain or washing, nor was it possible to guarantee impermeability as the wood could absorb animal urine. The macadam, that is the placement of compressed crushed stones, was easily cracked, producing dust in the summer and in the winter mud. Finally, for Villagra Gacitúa the use of asphalt was the ideal alternative, not only for its low friction and noise emission, but also mostly "for it perfect, easy cleaning, which is done with large rubber sheets that drag away the dirt". The smooth asphalt surface, and its impermeability, was favored as fully washable material, avoiding the accumulation of the organic residues of concern to hygienists.

The proposal made by the doctor Victor Villagra Gacitúa was installed as part of an intense debate that far exceeded the bounds of medical practice. Their recommendations were part of a process of technological skills, which converged in various medical, technical or commercial interests, and in which each building system should be positioned as a valid alternative. As has been studied by Gijs Mom, increasingly exposed medical factors were considered for the hegemonic asphalt paving material into the streets of the early 20th century throughout the Western world (Mom, 2004). To make this reality possible in Chile, a set of elements based on the building administration must also be examined.

The medical argument, critically described the relationship between the generalization of animal transit (fig. 6, 7, 8 and 9) and the almost total absence of washable paving in the Santiago streets during the turn of the century, was attended by the building industry, before any other public body. The assessment of the problems associated with the chronic lack of paved roads emerged as an important issue within the City Council in the last decade of the 19th century. Discussions in this Council realized the existence of a qualified public awareness that critically disapproved of animal transportation in the urban environment: a vision surpassing the frameworks medical work and placed in the general knowledge of the authorities and some citizens. Thus, the Municipality of Santiago also became the repository for the demands of residents who requested the authorities to combat the precarious sanitary situation of the city through the paving of roads.

Fig. 6. Hospital San Francisco de Borja building, Santiago; post card.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Pi-958).

Fig. 7. Universidad Católica headquarters in Santiago, Alameda Lira corner; postcard.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Pi-964).

Fig. 8. Santiago Courts; postcard by Hume and Walker.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Pi-1119).

Fig. 9. Calle Estado from Plaza de Armas de Santiago; postcard by Hume and Walker.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Pi-1109).

The members of the municipality had advised the dependence on the horses in public transportation in Santiago as an environmental problem. In August 1892, for example, Councilman Fierro made a visit to places considered unhealthy and detected serious hygiene problems in the stables city's horse tram system, located on Chacabuco St., in the north of the capital. The stable housed 870 horses, producing (here alone) between five and six tons of excrement daily. These stables, located next to public kitchens, were only cleaned once a week, and motivated angry complaints from neighbors and legitimate concerns from the municipal entity. To address such cases, the alderman proposed a regulation that would force the street railway company, and any company that administered over a hundred stables with animal, to not store the manure, wash the floors with "clean water" every two days and allow the municipality to inspect such establishments regularly.(5)

Given the obvious difficulties observed by the municipal sanitation police to keep the streets clean, Major Manuel Barros Borgono proposed the establishment of an Office of Disinfection for the streets of Santiago, financed through paving. This new technical establishment, formed under the auspices of the municipality, united the relationship of paving and public health promoted by local authorities(6). The critical consensus against animal movement was ratified through a provision of the municipality to raise the price of carriages licenses arranged specifically to raise the revenues to pave roads. This rise in the price of the licenses did not consider the quality of the cars, if the wheels were rubber, wood or iron, or the weight of their loads, elements normally considered as relevant factors in the destruction of pavement. In this case, the statutory provision set the price of the contribution based on the number of draft animals used in each car, which realized an explicit will of the municipal authorities to favor the sanitary situation of public spaces through limitation of the use of animals(7). The concern of municipal authorities about the precarious situation in which most of the streets of Santiago were, led to establishing the first general public proposals of paving through a system that handed the initiative and an important part of the funding to the citizens who would benefit, and which -according to the authorities- would directly increase the value of their property.

 

In 1893, the city council proposed a bill aimed at forcing residents to participate in improving infrastructure. According to this proposal, the city would cover a third of the cost of installing the cobblestone, while obliging the owners on both sides of the sidewalks to fund the remaining two thirds of the work(8). With such a measure, the city recognized simultaneously the importance paving had on the urban development of the city and the cleanliness of the circulation system infrastructure. Similarly, the communal authority also recognized the lack of an adequate funding program for this type of work. The proposed legislation was received in the parliamentary debate, but would be profoundly modified over the years that followed until its final enactment. In 1901, the proposal issued by the City Council of Santiago became a nation-wide law, the first to address the urban paving of the most important streets of the city. This happened a year before arrival of the first imported car to the country.(9)


Conclusions. Contaminating Horses vs. Hygienic Cars

The circulation of cars was observed in the first decades of the 20th century as an effective alternative to the environmental problems caused by the pollution of animal movement. The critical opinions of animal transit in the city after 1900 extended through various media including non-specialized magazines such as Zig Zag, where several writers were determined to describe the horse as an antiquated system and included the car as a modern project that would bring great benefits to traffic. Most of these witnesses voiced the obvious contradictions between the two transport systems. Through editorials, cartoons and especially caption presenting humorous situations, poor old horse drawn carts in contrast to the comfortable and fast machines that would transform modern urban life. Beyond the contradiction between the outdated and new that is widely observed in non-specialized publications during the first two decades of the 20th century the car was positioned in the public as a hygienic system to replace the horse, principal producer of biological waste in the city.

The medical approach of hygienists, who had circulated mainly through specialized media, was spread by those who were interested in imposing the system of the engine in the city. To do so, a decade after the advent of the automobile in Santiago, owners of cars, tires and spare parts dealers and importers of gasoline, began to organize societies and clubs, such as the company Auto and Aero and Santiago Motorists Association.

Through magazines such as Auto y aero, created in 1913, the partners began a symbolic competition between motorists and horses that described the system as unsanitary. In return, the car not only represented the technical modernization, but also non-contaminating. The automotive press described the engine as a contribution to urban hygiene, a mechanical object that also benefits the health of its users. The idealization of the car as a sanitized system took shape in the automotive press through the exaggeration of the trauma associated with the mass production of waste generated by the horses and the presentation of the engine as its perfect antithesis, a technological object without weaknesses. In a publication denoting triumphant expectations of those who blindly trust private motorization, a columnist for Auto y aero noted in 1917 that the city without horses, the highest aspiration of hygienists, was not only possible but being built thanks to the efforts of the mechanics and all those who believe the gospel of technological modernization in the city (AA.VV., 1916).

Some activists committed to the automotive predicted that the car would extinguish flies in the city, and as such, insect-borne diseases would be eradicated definitively thanks to the diffusion of this new transport system. The decrease in the number of these "winged poisoners" as termed by another journalist, was due solely to the increase of car consumption observed in Santiago during the 1910s (AA.VV., 1918). For others, with the addition of the car and the replacement of horse drawn cart "the cleanliness of the city greatly improves" because unlike animal transportation that leaves smelly droppings, "cars leave just a little gas on the ground and this is an advantage because gas is a disinfectant", as considered by a reporter for the Valparaiso magazine Sucesos (AA.VV., 1917). Although it is clear that animal transportation was maintained for several decades in Santiago (fig. 10), and still is an important element in the mobility of several Chilean cities, the technological utopia in which the car absolutely prevailed, gave rise to the construction this type of representation where the unhealthy and outdated was associated with the massive presence of animals on the streets. The truth is that this initial vision where the car is seen as a savior of the environment (fig. 11) began to crack when this system began to cause new widespread and serious problems. First, the noise of the engines, and later the production of particulate pollutants, by products of combustion, became new elements considered by experts as early as the 1920's. The widespread motorization since and crowding years later would become the main environmental problem in Santiago during the second half of last century.

Fig. 10. Cars, trams and streets on the Alameda de Santiago.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Fb-3291).

Fig. 11. Cobblestone paving and car in the decade 1900, Santiago.
Source: Photographic archive, Museo Histórico Nacional (Fb-5006).

Notes

1. This article presents some of the first results of the FONDECYT No 11110488 research project named "El transporte y la contaminación ambiental. Un estudio histórico de controversias socio-técnicas en Santiago de Chile, 1902-1947".

2. Research projects by McShane (2003), McShane and Tarr (2007), Mom (2009) or Mom and Kirsch (2001) show these density indicators.

3. Regarding cities in the u.s., go to the book by Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink. Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, The University of Akron Press, 1996), particularly the chapter "The horse. Polluter of the City".

4. "Laboratorio químico municipal. Memoria presentada por esta oficina correspondiente al ano 1902", in Boletín de actas i documentos de la Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago (Vol. 17, 1903), p. 372-391.

5. "Sesión ordinaria 5 bis", August 17th 1892 (AA.VV., 1892).

6. "Sesión permanente 40", December 30th 1892 to January 10th 1893 (AA.VV., 1892).

7. "Sesión 7, extraordinaria", May 20th 1892 (AA.VV., 1892).

8. "Sesión 8, extraordinaria", May 10th 1893 (AA.VV., 1893).

9. Law No 1.463, June 11th 1901. "Urban municipalities are allowed to oblige owners to pay, under certain circumstances, the cost of paving".

 

References

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AA.VV. Boletín de Actas y Documentos de la Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago Vol. 3. Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago, Santiago, 1893, p. 106-107.

AA.VV. "Riego de las calles de Santiago. Nota al primer alcalde". Revista Chilena de Hijiene Vol. VIII. Santiago, 1902.

AA.VV. "El automovilismo en 1917". Auto y aero year 4 No 60. Santiago, December 1916, p. 199.

AA.VV. "Los progresos del automovilismo en Chile". Sucesos year 15 No 763. Valparaiso, May 1917.

AA.VV. "El automovilismo y las moscas". Auto y aero year 4 No 42. Santiago, March 1918, p. 498.

ASTABURUAGA, Luis. "Informe del inspector general de sanidad". Revista General de Medicina e Higiene Prácticas year I No 6. Valparaíso, May 1899, p. 133-134.

ASTABURUAGA, Luis y Daniel CARVALLO. "Profilaxia de la peste bubónica recomendada para Valparaíso". Revista General de Medicina e Higiene Prácticas year I No 12. Valparaíso, November 1899, p. 531.

CÁDIZ, Mamerto. "Contajio i profilaxia del cólera". Revista Médica de Chile year XXXIX No 1. Santiago, 1911, p. 23.

MCSHANE, Clay. "The decline of the urban horse in American cities". The Journal of Transport History Vol. 24 N° 2. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2003, p. 177-198.

MCSHANE Clay y Joel TARR. The horse in the city. Living machines in the Nineteenth Century. John Hopkins University Press, Nueva York, 2007.

MOM, Gijs. "Compétition et coexistence: la motorisation des transports terrestres et le lent processus de substitution de la traction équine". Le Mouvement Social Vol. 229. Association Le Mouvement Social, Paris, 2009, p. 13-39.

MOM, Gijs. "Inter-artifactual technology transfers: Road building in the Netherlands and the competition between bricks, macadam, asphalt and concrete". History and Technology Vol. 20 No 1. Routledge, London, 2004.

MOM, Gijs y David kirsch. "Technologies in Tension: Horses, Electric Trucks, and the Motorization of American Cities, 1900-1925". Technology and Culture Vol. 42 No 3. John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2001, p. 489-518.

PUGA BORNE, Federico. "Los juicios sobre el agua de Vitacura. Resumen de las opiniones que se han emitido en pro i en contra de las agua de Vitacura". Revista Chilena de Hijiene year II No 6. Instituto de Hijiene, Santiago, March 1896, p. 168.

SALAZAR, Arturo y NEWMAN, C. Estudios ijiénicos del aire. Au siege de la Societé, Santiago, 1895.

VILLAGRA Gacitúa, Víctor. Hijiene de las calles. Memoria de prueba para optar al grado de licenciado en la Facultad de Medicina i Farmacia, Universidad de Chile. Sociedad Imprenta Litografía Barcelona, Santiago, 1900.


1. Rodrigo Booth. Historian and Doctor in Architecture and Urban Studies, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2003 and 2009. Between 2009 and 2011 was a postdoctoral fellow at the Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 and in 2013 was visiting faculty member at the Université de Strasbourg. His research has focused around architectural, urban and territorial history, particularly related to technologies of mobility and tourism; he has also conducted research on the history of industrial photography in Chile. He is currently conducting a Beginners FONDECYT research and an U-Inicia project from the Vicerrectoría de Investigación y Desarrollo at the Universidad de Chile. He is also assistant professor at the Universidad de Chile Architecture Department.

AA.VV. Boletín de Actas y Documentos de la Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago Vol. 2. Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago, Santiago, 1892, p. 34; p. 252.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. Boletín de Actas y Documentos de la Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago Vol. 3. Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago, Santiago, 1893, p. 106-107.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. "Riego de las calles de Santiago. Nota al primer alcalde". Revista Chilena de Hijiene Vol. VIII. Santiago, 1902.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. "El automovilismo en 1917". Auto y aero año 4 No 60. Santiago, diciembre de 1916, p. 199.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. "Los progresos del automovilismo en Chile". Sucesos año 15 No 763. Valparaíso, mayo de 1917.         [ Links ]

AA.VV. "El automovilismo y las moscas". Auto y aero año 4 No 42. Santiago, marzo de 1918, p. 498.         [ Links ]

ASTABURUAGA, Luis. "Informe del inspector general de sanidad". Revista General de Medicina e Higiene Prácticas año I No 6. Valparaíso, mayo de 1899, p. 133-134.         [ Links ]

ASTABURUAGA, Luis y Daniel CARVALLO. "Profilaxia de la peste bubónica recomendada para Valparaíso". Revista General de Medicina e Higiene Prácticas año I No 12. Valparaíso, noviembre de 1899, p. 531.         [ Links ]

CÁDIZ, Mamerto. "Contajio i profilaxia del cólera". Revista Médica de Chile año XXXIX No 1. Santiago, 1911, p. 23.         [ Links ]

MCSHANE, Clay. "The decline of the urban horse in American cities". The Journal of Transport History Vol. 24 N° 2. Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2003, p. 177-198.         [ Links ]

MCSHANE Clay y Joel TARR. The horse in the city. Living machines in the Nineteenth Century. John Hopkins University Press, Nueva York, 2007.         [ Links ]

MOM, Gijs. "Compétition et coexistence: la motorisation des transports terrestres et le lent processus de substitution de la traction équine". Le Mouvement Social Vol. 229. Association Le Mouvement Social, París, 2009, p. 13-39.         [ Links ]

MOM, Gijs. "Inter-artifactual technology transfers: Road building in the Netherlands and the competition between bricks, macadam, asphalt and concrete". History and Technology Vol. 20 No 1. Routledge, Londres, 2004.         [ Links ]

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